Dear Delegates, 

My name is Jonathan, and I am so excited to be the crisis director for the 1959 Cuban Revolution committee at CESIMS! A bit about me prior to discussing the committee itself: I am originally from Milton, Massachusetts, and I am currently a freshman at Columbia College studying political science and economics. I competed in Model UN throughout high school, and I plan on both staffing and competing during my time here at Columbia. Outside of academics, I enjoy skiing, backpacking, photography, and playing fantasy football. Feel free to ask me any questions you may have about my background or Columbia over the course of the conference. 

It has always been my firm belief that the purpose of Model UN is to have fun. While this may sound cliché, after six years of competing and upwards of 30 conferences, it is the stories of midnight crises and unthinkable committee outcomes that I tell to people, rather than the material success I achieved as a delegate. As such, I encourage you all to research lesser-known facets of the topic, and throughout the conference I urge you all to think outside of the box. Crisis committees are infinitely more enjoyable for staffers and delegates when you are creative and avoid simply recreating history as it already occurred. Be bold and original, and the weekend will be an experience that you will never forget. 

This committee begins in early 1957 when Fidel Castro returns to Cuba from exile in Mexico. As Cuban revolutionaries, it is your job to shape the future of one of the most consequential political uprisings of the twentieth century. Through creativity and strategy, you must overthrow the Batista government, all while managing the conflicts posed by ideological disagreement, western opposition, and Batista’s significantly stronger forces. In doing so, you have the ability to shape the power balance between the capitalist and communist worlds. Delegates, the future of the Cold War is in your hands. 

Best, 

Jonathan Waldmann | jonathan.waldmann@columbia.edu

Code of Conduct

All delegates will be held to a high standard of behavior and will be expected to treat each other and the topics of debate with respect. No harassment or bullying of any kind will be tolerated. Sensitive discussion of topics is expected to be conducted respectfully and intelligently. The Secretary-General of CESIMS reserves the right to remove a delegate from the conference at any point in time.

Attire

All delegates will be expected to wear Western Business Attire.

Language

The working and official language of the committee shall be English.

Parliamentary Procedure

Points

There are four types of points that a delegate may raise.

Point of Order

A Point of Order may not interrupt a speaker and can be raised when the delegate believes the rules of procedure have been violated. The chair will stop the proceedings of the committee and ask the delegate to provide warranted arguments as to which rules of procedure have been violated.

Point of Personal Privilege

A Point of Personal Privilege may be raised when a delegate’s ability to participate in debate is impaired for any physical or logistical reason (for instance, if the speaker is not audible). This point may interrupt a speech, and the dais will immediately try to resolve the difficulty.

Point of Parliamentary Inquiry

This point may be raised by a delegate who wishes to clarify any rule of procedure with the Chair. It may not interrupt a speaker, and a delegate rising to this point may not make any substantive statements or arguments.

Point of Information

As the name suggests, this point may be raised by a delegate to bring substantive information to the notice. It may not interrupt a speaker and must contain only a statement of some new fact that may have relevance to debate. Arguments and analyses may not be made by delegates rising to this point. A point of information may also be used to ask questions of a speaker on the general speakers list.

Motions

Motions control the flow of debate. A delegate may raise a motion when the chair opens the floor for points or motions. Motions require a vote to pass. Procedural motions, unless mentioned otherwise, require a simple majority to pass.

Motion for Moderated Caucus

This motion begins a moderated caucus and must specify the topic, the time per speaker, and the total time for the proposed caucus.

Motion for an Unmoderated Caucus

This motion moves the committee into unmoderated caucus, during which lobbying and drafting of resolutions may take place. It must specify the duration of the caucus.

Motion to Suspend Debate

This motion suspends debate for a stipulated amount of time.

Motion to Adjourn

This motion brings the committee’s deliberation to an end, and it is only admissible when suggested by the Chair.

Motion to Introduce Documents

A successful motion to introduce essentially puts the document on the floor to be debated by the committee. The sponsor of the document will be asked to read the document and then, if deemed appropriate, the Chair will entertain a moderated caucus on the topic.

Motion to Divide the Question

This motion may be moved by a delegate to split a document into its component clauses for the purpose of voting. This may be done when a delegate feels that there is significant support for some clauses of the document, but not for the complete document.

Motion for a Roll Call Vote

A delegate may move to have the vote conducted in alphabetical order.

Motion for Speakers For and Against

If it would help the proceedings of the committee, a delegate may motion for speakers for and against a document.

Documents

Committee Documents represent the product of the committee’s deliberations and their collective decisions.

Directives

Directives are similar to resolutions in traditional committees, with the notable exception that they do not include preambulatory clauses and are much shorter and more concise. Directives are generally written in response to a specific crisis update, and can be as short as two or three clauses. All direct actions by the committee as a whole require a directive.

Communiqués

Communiqués are formal communications (private by default) directed from the committee to other governments, individuals, or organizations. Committee communiqués pass by simple majority.

Press Release

Press releases express the sentiments of the committee (NOT individuals) on any issue. They require a simple majority to pass.

Amendments

After the first draft of a committee document has been introduced, delegates may move to amend clauses of the draft. If the amendment is supported by all the sponsors of the documents, it passes as a friendly amendment.

Communication During Committee

Communication during committee may take place through handwritten notes:

Notes Between Delegates

Delegates should feel free to write personal notes to their fellow committee members. We ask that these notes pertain to the business of the committee.

Notes to the Dais

Delegates may also write to the Chair with questions regarding procedural issues of the committee, as well as a wide range of personal inquiries. Delegates should feel free to write to the Chair on any issue that would improve the committee experience. This could range from a clarification of procedural issues to substantive matters.

Crisis Notes

Crisis notes are notes written in character to fictional confidants. Backroom staffers will respond to these notes in character. The success of your notes depends on how well the notes are written and researched, and how reasonable the request is.

The Colonial Period 

At its core, the 26th of July Movement is anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist. As such, to understand the current situation, one must understand Cuba’s colonial roots. 

Christopher Columbus arrived in Cuba in 1492 and encountered three indigenous groups: the Tainos, the Ciboneys, and the Guanajatabeyes. While their population is estimated to have been as large as 300,000 at the time of Columbus’ arrival, they were nearly completely eradicated within seventy years due to European disease and Spanish brutality.

The Spanish sought to colonize Cuba to benefit economically from its gold and mineral deposits, to convert its indigenous populations to Christianity, and to gain geopolitical influence from conquering the New World (referred to in most history classes as “Gold, God, and Glory”).  Spanish settler Diego Velazquez established the first permanent Spanish settlement in Cuba in 1511 near Baracoa. Cuba quickly developed into a critical piece of the Spanish empire in the Americas, however a few issues began to arise for Spain. The Caribbean increasingly became a point of contention with other European empires such as France, England, and the Netherlands, and Cuba was a prime target for other nations seeking to weaken Spain. Moreover, Cuba was economically dependent on sugar plantations powered by African slave labor. As the world shifted toward the abolition of slavery, Cuba remained dependent on it, exacerbating the island’s economic inequality and promoting social unrest. 

The Spanish-American War

The Spanish-American War marked the official end of colonial rule in Cuba. Beginning in 1895, the Cuban people struggled against their Spanish oppressors in a battle for independence. Rather than seeking compromise, the Spanish violently repressed the movement, such as through a cruel reconcentration policy. The American media pounced on this via yellow journalism, leading American sympathy for the Cuban independence cause to rise drastically. The calls for American intervention reached a fever pitch following the unexplained sinking of the USS Maine in Havana Harbor on February 15, 1898. 

Though Spain sought to appease the Cubans and the Americans by granting Cuba limited self-governance, the United States demanded Cuban independence. Spain evidently refused, beginning the Spanish American War. The war was an embarrassment for Spain, as they were defeated in under two months by the far superior American forces. 

The Treaty of Paris formally ended the conflict and eviscerated the remains of the Spanish empire. Spain granted Cuba independence and granted the US control of Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. However, American influence in Cuba was stronger than ever. Though Congress had passed the Teller amendment renouncing any intentions of annexing Cuba at the beginning of the war, the 1902 Platt Amendment limited Cuba’s sovereignty and rendered it largely dependent on the U.S. In doing so, the Spanish-American War replaced de jure imperialism under Spain with de facto imperialism under the United States. 

The Rise of Fulgencio Batista 

Fulgencio Batista began his career as a young sergeant in the Cuban army under the repressive ruler general Gerardo Machado. In 1933, Batista organized the Sergeant’s Rebellion by forming a coalition with student groups and unions and overthrew the Machado government, effectively installing himself as the ruler of the country. He formalized this status in 1940 when he was elected president in a rigged election, though he lost in the 1944 election and moved to Florida with his wife. 

Batista returned to Cuba as a senator in 1948. He ran for president in 1952, assuming that Cubans would long for his rule after his time away. Unfortunately this was far from the truth, and Batista and his military supporters staged another coup. Batista’s rule was quickly recognized by Latin American nations and the United States, legitimizing his governance. Moreover, he suspended the civil liberties enshrined in the 1940 constitution and canceled all future elections, instead prioritizing the enrichment of himself and his cronies via American Mob gambling enterprises. Batista was ostensibly in a fantastic position politically and financially, however trouble was brewing. 

The Mob

In the 1920s, Cuba emerged as a lawless playground for the American elite. Scions such as the Whitneys and the Biltmores flocked to the island during the Winter to fuel their hedonistic lifestyles of gambling and clubbing. By the 1950s, Cuba was attracting A-list American celebrities such as Frank Sinatra and Ernest Hemingway, along with masses of American tourists thanks to cheap flights from Miami and affordable lodging on the island. 

As Cuba’s allure grew, the American mob took notice. They viewed the island as an ideal destination that was simultaneously close to the United States and outside of its jurisdiction with regard to activities such as drug smuggling and illicit gambling. American mobsters such as Charles “Lucky” Luciano and Meyer Lansky quickly took control of Cuba’s gambling industry and constructed luxurious casinos, particularly in Havana. Meanwhile, they paid off President Fulgencio Batista for country-wide police protection and a laissez-faire attitude toward their operations. Altogether, this fueled a gambling boom in the 1950s that angered many local Cubans who did not share in the prosperity of the American mob.

The Sparks of Revolution

Fidel Castro was a young lawyer running for Congress in the elections that Batista had canceled. Though he initially sought legal means of removing Batista from power, he quickly realized that no such avenue existed and began organizing a revolution. On July 26, 1953, Castro and a handful of rebels attacked the Moncada army barracks in Santiago de Cuba, igniting the Cuban Revolution. Though most of the group was killed, the bold attacked garnered significant national attention and boosted the revolutionary spirit in Cuba. Fidel and his brother Raul were imprisoned until they were granted amnesty and released in 1955. At that point, they headed to Mexico, where they began organizing Cuban exiles as part of their 26th of July movement. In December 1956, Castro sailed back to Cuba aboard the yacht “Granma,” which is when our committee begins. 

Revolutionary Strategy

The Batista regime has greater resources than the revolutionaries and the backing of the majority of the governments around the world. Questions to consider: 

• How will you overcome this deficit in resources? 

• What is the most effective form of warfare in Cuba? 

• Who should be in charge of which aspects of the revolutionary effort?

Revolutionary Ideology 

Among the revolutionaries, there is ideological disagreement, with some feeling that Cuba must turn Communist and others strongly disagreeing. Questions to consider: 

• Should Cuba turn Communist? 

• What would a Communist Cuba look like? 

• What is the alternative to Communism in Cuba? 

The Future of the Mob in Cuba

As the revolution progresses, you must consider how to handle the mob presence on the island. Key questions to consider: 

• Should they be kicked out?

•  Should the revolutionaries attempt to work with them? 

• What is to be done with their properties? 

Vision for a Post-Batista Cuba

The revolution requires a clear vision for Cuba going forward if you wish to establish a stable nation-state. Questions to consider: 

• What is the ideal form of government post-revolution? 

• Who should rule Cuba following the revolution? 

• Can Communism and democracy coexist in Cuba?

A VERY IMPORTANT NOTE ON PORTFOLIO POWERS IN THIS COMMITTEE: Within any crisis committee, portfolio powers are very fluid. In other words, you gain and lose abilities depending on the actions that you and the other delegates in the room take throughout the conference. With this committee in particular, the portfolio powers are not very defined since this is a revolutionary movement rather than a cabinet. As such, do not view the portfolio powers listed for your character as immutable fact; merely use them as a guide to get a general sense of your powers. 

Fidel Castro: Fidel Castro is the leader of the 26th of July Movement. He is a lawyer by trade and was the orchestrator of the 1953 attack on the Moncada Barracks. He has ample revolutionary experience, including involvement in an attempt to overthrow General Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic in 1947 and urban riots in Colombia in 1948. He was a candidate for the House of Representatives in the 1952 election that Batista canceled following his overthrow of the government. 

Portfolio Powers: Overall control of revolutionary forces and strategy

Raul Castro:  Raul Castro is Fidel Castro’s brother and right-hand man. He accompanied his brother in the assault on the Moncada barracks, to prison, to Mexico, and back to Cuba. He has great influence over Fidel due to their family ties. Raul is a staunch socialist and ideologue.

Portfolio Powers: Influence over Fidel Castro (and by proxy over revolutionary strategy)

Che Guevara: Ernesto “Che” Guevara is an Argentine doctor whom the Castro brothers met in Mexico City. Guevara became a Marxist following the U.S.-backed coup in Guatemala to overthrow Jacobo Arbenz in 1954. Guevara was part of the initial contingent of revolutionaries that landed in Oriente province in late 1956, where he was wounded before fleeing with Castro to the Sierra Maestra. 

He is the ideological leader of the revolution and a staunch communist and anti-imperialist. 

Portfolio Powers: Influence over revolutionary ideology; connections with Communist leaders abroad, particularly throughout Latin America

Camilo Cienfuegos:  Camilo Cienfuegos had been exiled after being involved in anti-Batista student protests, and the Castros recruited him while in Mexico. He traveled back to Cuba with them aboard the Granma, and he became a prominent revolutionary military leader in the mountains, leading a large rebel force. Cienfuegos is not an ideologue as some of the other revolutionary leaders are, and he often rejects cruel fighting tactics. 

Portfolio Powers: Control over some rebel forces in the mountains

Manuel Urrutia Lleo: Lleo was a liberal Cuban lawyer who campaigned against Gerardo Machado’s government and opposed Batista’s regime. Though him and Fidel shared a common goal of overthrowing Batista, they often clash ideologically. Because he is educated and Christian, Lleo is one of the most respected revolutionaries by the West. 

Portfolio Powers: Influence over courts and legal matters

Huber Matos: Matos was a schoolteacher and rice grower who became involved in politics through the Partido Ortodoxo. Following Batista’s coup in 1952, Matos moved to Costa Rica and supported the 26th of July Movement from afar, developing a relationship with Costa Rican president José Figueres. When he returned to Cuba, he joined the 26th of July Movement’s urban underground and joined the rebel army in the Siera Maestra. 

Portfolio Powers: Control over a segment of the rebel army in the Siera Maestra; connections with Costa Rican leaders 

Melba Hernandez: Melba Hernandez was one of two women who helped Fidel Castro in his attack on the Moncada military barracks after she met him in 1952. She served as a nurse alongside Haydée Santamaria in the attack on the Moncada barracks. She is a lawyer by trade, and she is responsible for many of the more menial tasks for the revolutionaries, such as sewing their uniforms. She was also critical in organizing the trip of the Granma to Cuba. 

Portfolio Powers: Influence over Fidel Castro; Influence over the women in Cuba

Haydée Santamaria: Haydée Santamaria is the other woman who helped Fidel Castro launch his attack on the Moncada Barracks. Following the attack on the barracks, she was subjected to brutal interrogation and sent to prison, further turning her against the Batista regime. Following her release, she joined Castro’s forces in the Sierra Maestra. She is immensely loyal to him and similarly handles many of the menial tasks for the revolutionary forces. 

Portfolio Powers: Influence over Cuban women; Influence over Castro

Armando Hart: Hart is an aspiring lawyer and Communist revolutionary leader. He is one of the primary organizers of the revolutionary movement within Cuba’s cities, whereas Castro and Guevara organize the revolutionary movement in the mountains and jungles. 

Portfolio Powers: Influence over urban Cubans, including workers 

Juan Almeida Bosque: Bosque is one of the prominent military commanders within the revolutionary movement, and he is specifically one of the highest-ranking Afro-Cubans within the movement. He was involved in the attack on the Moncada Barracks and served time in prison with the Castro brothers for the attack. He was also one of the few survivors of the landing of the Granma.

Portfolio Powers: Strong rapport with the Afro-Cuban population; Control over his segment of the revolutionary army

Celia Sanchez: Sanchez was the first woman to join the guerilla army in a combat role, and she consequently became a key combatant in the revolution beginning with the sailing of the Granma to Cuba. She was involved in the 1953 attack on the Moncada army barracks. Following the rebels’ return to Cuba on the Granma, she organized a clandestine network of peasant families to protect the rebels. She is currently organizing the transport of supplies to rebels in the Sierra Maestra. 

Portfolio Powers: Influence over women in the army; network of peasant families; close relationship with Fidel Castro

Carlos Franqui: Franqui is the head of the revolutionary newspaper and radio station. Franqui was formerly a member of the Communist Party of Cuba before becoming an unaffiliated leftist. As such, Franqui believes deeply in the ideological foundations of the revolution.

Portfolio Powers: Controls the newspaper and press of the revolution

Raul Chibas: Chibas is the leader of the Cuban People’s Party, and he was a key writer of the Sierra Manifesto laying out plans for a post-Batista Cuba. More specifically, Chibas was key in uniting the various revolutionary groups within Cuba to fight against the Batista regime. 

Portfolio Powers: Controls Cuban People’s Party

Frank Pais: Pais is the urban coordinator of the 26th of July Movement and a key organizer of the urban underground movement. He resides in the city of Santiago, where he formed his own revolutionary cells following the 1953 attack on the Moncada barracks. In the summer of 1955, his organization merged with Fidel Castro’s July 26th movement. Pais soon ecame the leader of the 26th of July movement in Oriente province and its urban coordinator. His efforts will prove crucial in sowing revolutionary sentiment in Cuba’s cities. 

Portfolio Powers: Influence over the urban underground movement and urban revolutionaries overall; control of revolutionaries in Oriente province. 

Efigenio Ameijeiras:  Ameijeiras is a key military commander within the 26th of July Movement. He was involved in the raid on the Moncada barrack in 1953, and he then took part in Castro’s 1956 invasion of Cuba following his release from prison. He is primarily responsible for forces within Cuba’s Sierra Maestra. Critically, he is a staunch anti-communist.

Portfolio Powers: Control over his contingent of the revolutionary army in the Sierra Maestra 

Vilma Espin: Vilma Espin is a feminist and chemical engineer, and she serves as an underground spy within the 26th of July movement. She has a romantic relationship with Raul Castro, and she is therefore one of the most influential women within the revolutionary movement. Critically, Espin can speak both English and Spanish, meaning she is a key representative of the revolutionary movement on a global level. 

Portfolio Powers: Has access to inside information as a spy; Has access to scientific facilities; influence over Raul Castro; ability to communicate with foreign officials in English

Jose Antonio Echeverria: Echeverri is a student leader in the revolution, serving as the president of the Federation of University Students (FEU). As president, he promotes solidarity with other Latin American revolutionaries and development of the arts. As such, he has great influence over revolutionary activities within the nation’s universities. 

Portfolio Powers: Influence over students in Cuba

Roberto Agramonte: Agramonte is a former ambassador to Mexico and a university professor in philosophy. He studied law at the University of Havana. Following his stint as the Cuban ambassador to Mexico from 1947 to 1948, he ran for vice president of Cuba. While he believes strongly in the revolutionary cause, he does believe Cuba should turn Communist. 

Portfolio Powers: Strong ties with foreign powers and leaders

Sergio del Valle Jimenez: Jimenez is a Cuban physician and soldier within the revolutionary army. He specifically fights in the mountains with Camilo Cienfuegos, where he is second-in-command of his column. He strongly believes that Cuba must strengthen its ties with the USSR. 

Portfolio Powers: Influence over military health matters and strategy 

William Alexander Morgan: Morgan is an American citizen fighting in the Cuban Revolution. He left hsi wife and children back in the United States to fight in the conflict due to his staunch opposition to the Batista regime. He is part of a guerrilla force within the Second National Front of the Escambray, which operates against Batista’s soldiers in the Escambray Mountains of central Cuba. 

Portfolio Powers: Influence over forces within the Escambray Mountains; Potential ties with Americans 

Ernesto Barbieto: Ernesto Barbieto is an anarcho-syndicalist militant with a history of revolutionary struggle, having been involved with the Cuban labor movement in the 1940s and early 1950s. He is first and foremost an ideologue. 

Portfolio Powers: Connections with anarchists and labor

Reynol Garcia: Reynol Garcia is the head of an independent revolutionary guerrilla group. He led an attack on the Domingo Goicuria army barracks in Matanzas in April of 1956. He is a potential ally of the 26th of July Movement, however he does not have an established relationship with its members. 

Portfolio Powers: Control over separate guerrilla force 

Juan Pedro Carbo Servia: Carbo is a student leader within the revolution. He is a veterinarian by trade, and he has participated in numerous revolutionary activities since Batista rose to power. He is a member of the Revolutionary Directory and has close ties to the FEU. He was present when the Charter of Mexico was signed between Fidel Castro and Echeverria. 

Portfolio Powers: Influence over student revolutionaries

Eloy Gutiérrez Menoyo: Eloy is the head of the Second National Front of Escambray, a revolutionary group fighting alongside the 26th of July Movement to overthrow Batista. He is a staunch anti-communist. 

Portfolio Powers: Control over the Second National Front of Escambray 

Rolando Cubela: Cubela was a founding member of the Student Revolutionary Directorate (DRE) and was one of the members of its executive council. In that role, Cubela assassinated the head of Cuban military intelligence under Batista, leading him to flee to the United states in 1956. He is yet to return to Cuba, but hopes to rejoin the revolutionary struggle. 

Portfolio Powers: Influence over the DRE and student revolutionaries more broadly